Richard Posner is a Judge of the US Court of Appeals, a
Senior Lecturer at the University of Chicago Law School, and the author of
Catastrophe: Risk and Response.
by Richard
Posner
One year after the
Indian Ocean tsunami, what are the lessons? The biggest one is that it was the
type of disaster to which policymakers pay too little attention – one that has a
very low or unknown probability of occurring, but that creates enormous losses
if it does occur. Great as the death toll, physical and emotional suffering of
survivors, and property damage caused by the tsunami were, even greater losses
could be inflicted by other disasters of low (but not negligible), or unknown,
probability.
For example, the asteroid that exploded above Siberia in
1908 with the force of a hydrogen bomb might have killed millions of people had
it exploded above a major city. Yet that asteroid was only about 200 feet in
diameter. A much larger one (among the thousands of dangerously large asteroids
in orbits that intersect the earth’s) could strike the earth and cause the total
extinction of the human race through a combination of shock waves, fire,
tsunamis, and blockage of sunlight, wherever it struck.
Other
catastrophic risks include natural epidemics (the 1918-1919 Spanish influenza
killed between 20 million and 40 million people), nuclear or biological attacks
by terrorists, certain types of lab accidents, and abrupt global warming. The
probability of catastrophes, whether intentional or not, resulting from human
activity appears to be increasing because of the rapidity and direction of
technological advances.
The fact that a catastrophe is unlikely to occur
is not a rational justification for ignoring the risk of its occurrence. Suppose
that a tsunami as destructive as the one in the Indian Ocean last year occurs on
average once a century and kills 250,000 people. That is an average of 2,500
deaths per year. If such a toll could be substantially reduced at moderate cost,
the investment would be worthwhile.
Educating residents of low-lying
coastal areas about the warning signs of a tsunami (tremors and a sudden
recession in the ocean), establishing a warning system involving emergency
broadcasts, telephoned warnings, and air-raid-type sirens, and improving
emergency response systems would have saved many who were killed by the Indian
Ocean tsunami. At the same time, the cost would have been well below any
reasonable estimate of the average losses that can be expected from
tsunamis.
There are several reasons why such measures weren’t taken in
anticipation of a tsunami on the scale that occurred. First, although a
once-in-a-century event is as likely to occur at the beginning of the century as
at any other time, it is much less likely to occur in the first decade of the
century than later. Politicians with limited terms of office and thus
foreshortened political horizons are likely to discount low-risk disaster
possibilities, since the risk of damage to their careers from failing to take
precautionary measures is truncated.
Second, to the extent that
effective precautions require governmental action, the fact that government is a
centralized system of control makes it difficult for officials to respond to the
full spectrum of possible risks against which cost-justified measures might be
taken. Given the variety of matters to which they must attend, officials are
likely to have a high threshold of attention below which risks are
ignored.
Third, where risks are regional or global rather than local,
many national governments, especially in poorer and smaller countries, may drag
their heels in the hope that larger and richer countries will bear the costs of
addressing them. Knowing this, larger and richer countries may be reluctant to
take precautionary measures, as this would reward and thus encourage “free
riding.”
Fourth, countries are poor often because of weak, inefficient,
or corrupt government, characteristics that may disable them from taking
cost-justified precautions. And the difficulty people everywhere have in
thinking in terms of probabilities – especially low probabilities, which they
tend to write off – weakens political support for incurring the costs of taking
precautionary measures.
An even more dramatic example of neglect of
low-probability/high-cost risks is the danger of an asteroid strike, which is
analytically similar to the menace of tsunamis. Indeed, in part because tsunamis
are one of the risks of an asteroid collision, the Indian Ocean disaster has
stimulated new interest in asteroid defense.
Deflecting an asteroid from
its orbit when it is still hundreds of millions of miles from Earth is a
feasible undertaking. Nevertheless, in the United States, the National
Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) spends only $4 million of its annual
budget of more than $10 billion on mapping dangerously close large asteroids. At
the current rate, NASA may not complete the task for another decade, even though
such mapping is the key to an asteroid defense because it may give us years of
warning.
The fact that a disaster of a particular type has not occurred
recently or even within human memory (or even ever) is a bad reason to ignore
it. The risk may be slight, but if the consequences should it materialise are
great enough, the expected cost of disaster may be sufficient to warrant
defensive measures.
Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2006.
www.project-syndicate.org